Thursday Theology #598
November 26, 2009
Topic: Primacy of Popes and the Promise. A Review of O'Malley's "The History of the Popes"
Colleagues,
This week's ThTh posting is Steve Krueger's review of a book just out on
the papacy. As you readers know from past postings coming from Steve, he has
become our community's Augsburg Catholic "peritus" on the Roman Catholic
church. [Peritus is the RC term for expert.] Here's more of the same.
Peace and joy!
Ed Schroeder
Primacy of Popes and the Promise
A Review of THE HISTORY OF THE POPES by John W. O'Malley, S.J.
(Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2010),
349 pages hardcover. $26.95 U.S.
When Ed Schroeder enlisted Fr. Hans Küng's 2005 essay "Crisis in the
Catholic Church: The Pope's Contradictions" (ThTh #359, April 28, 2005) for a
perspective on the meaning of the death of John Paul II and the election of
Benedict XVI, completely absent from the assessment was an earlier optimism
about the ecumenical possibilities Lutheran and Roman Catholic dialogue
partners believed they had seen related to the papacy. The common hopes had
been published in "Lutherans and Catholics in Dialogue V" under the theme
PAPAL PRIMACY AND THE UNIVERSAL CHURCH (ed. Paul Empie and T. Austin Murphy,
Minneapolis: Augsburg Publishing House, 1974).
In the Common Statement from Dialogue V, Lutherans had then been asking
their fellows from the participating Lutheran churches if the time hadn't
arrived for Lutherans "to affirm with us that papal primacy, renewed in the
light of the gospel" be now seen more as a gift than a barrier to the
reunification of the churches (pp. 22-23). Likewise, Roman Catholic participants
asked their own tradition if Lutherans could not be afforded structures for
self-governance which could co-exist with a renewed papal primacy to "respect
their (the Lutherans') heritage" and "protect their legitimate traditions"
(p. 23).
As Schroeder's ThTh #359 ("Reflections on the Roman Papacy") unpacked
Küng's take on the situation as it stood in 2005, it was abundantly clear
that whatever positive enthusiasm may have existed 31 years earlier about the
papacy, it had absolutely vanished (in Küng's opinion, of course). What
Schroeder particularly noticed about Küng's reading of where things stood post
John Paul II was that the "renewed in the light of the gospel" part of the
dialogue partners' hope about the papacy had really never materialized.
According to Küng (ala Schroeder), that hope still lay on the horizon as it had
in the 16th century when AC 28 was written with the exact same hope in mind.
In Küng's words (cited by EHS): "New hope will only begin to take root
when church officials in Rome and the episcopacy reorient themselves toward
the compass of the Gospel."
The question for many of us is, "Why is it so hard and does it remain
so elusive for the papacy to reclaim (assuming it was ever there to begin
with) the compass of the Gospel with seemingly so much at stake (including the
reunification of churches who confess the 'satis est' of AC VII, that it is
sufficient for the true unity of the church that it have achieved consensus
on the gospel and the sacraments)?"
Of course, in answer, with a myriad of partisan ideologies aside,
honest history can go a long way toward helping us better grasp why the papacy
evolved quite the way it did. And to that end we are pleased to point to one
new resource by Fr. John W. O'Malley, S.J. of Georgetown University whose A
HISTORY OF THE POPES is a very readable and discussable mainstay toward a
better understanding of "the oldest living institution in the Western world"
(page x).
One Telling Clue: Papal History is the Story of Some Men
A HISTORY OF THE POPES (hereafter AHP) grew out of the author's
thirty-six lectures recorded for Now You Know Media. Thus, from its inception,
the book emerged from a highly communicative, conversational style which makes
it successful to meet the author's goal to "make clear the basic story line
in a way accessible to the general reader" (ix). Given the huge expanse of
history which the narrative covers, to write about it well, as the author
ably does, is no small feat. What makes AHP a stand-out resource is its
reliable "leaner narrative" which provides "a recognizable path through
complicated terrain," able to satisfy the curiosity of the general reader and the
more exacting needs of the scholar who may be seeking deeper meanings and
conclusions (ix).
O'Malley's title is a tip-off at the outset to an important conclusion
he makes about the papacy (which carries throughout its 2000 year history).
The history of the papacy is the story of some 265 individuals besides
Peter and Benedict XVI today. Thus, to O'Malley, "the history of the popes is
not a history of Catholicism, which is a much, much bigger reality" (xii).
Nor is the history one of a monolithic institution about which many timeless
conclusions can be drawn and often are. To tell the story accurately is to
tell what happened to some men who happened to become through a variety of
means the bishop of Rome.
To the author, one of the contemporary temptations is to over-inflate
the importance of the papacy for understanding Catholicism (both for
Catholics and non-Catholics). Here is where the historian can provide something of
a corrective which, among other things, can help keep the significance of
the papacy in perspective for something like intra-faith dialogues noted
above. To that end, O'Malley reminds that in the year 1200, probably no more
than two per cent of the population was even aware there was such a thing
called a pope who may have claimed primacy over other bishops. "The papacy was
not mentioned in any creed, and it did not appear in any catechism until the
sixteenth century" (xii-xiii). As a matter of fact, O'Malley attributes
the broadcasting of the papal institution to the Reformation and to the
invention of the printing press. Only "with Protestant rejection" (of the papacy)
and with it the countering of "Catholic preoccupation" that "to be Catholic
was to define oneself a papist" (xiii).
Thus, it was men who comprised the papal history. Their job
descriptions changed dramatically beyond being bishop of Rome; their strategies
differed, too, depending on the shapes and influences of the world-wide political
scene. Their relationships with secular authority evolved with history as
well. Yet, it is liberating quietly to notice with the historian that, aside
from the belief about the apostolic place of the one who was chosen to be
the bishop of Rome as Peter's successor, popes were many other things
historically. Yet, none of these other things either implicitly or explicitly was
ever meant to preempt the primacy of the Christic Promise around which the
church has always ideally found its true unity and its purpose.
Four Defining Moments of Papal History
"Four defining moments of papal history can serve as milestones in what
sometimes seems like a zigzag course" (xiv).
AHP organizes its narrative around four events, each representing a
monumental change for the individuals who would live out the meaning of those
historic shifts. First is the foundational martyrdom of both Peter and Paul
in Rome (circa 64) upon which all subsequent claims about the papacy are
grounded. Second is the rise of Constantine as emperor and the emergence of an
identifiable episcopacy in the socio-political life of the empire in the
fourth century. Third is the coalescing of the Papal States in the eighth and
ninth centuries creating papal temporal rulers (of sorts). Fourth is the
break-up of the States in 1860-1870 as Rome became the secular capital of
Italy in the Lateran agreement.
The last change is frequently associated with Ultramontanism, a growing
movement of pro-papal power (ultramontane, "other side of the mountain" or Al
ps) which followed the breakup of the Gallican church (after the French
Revolution) and which carries through (in the author's opinion) into contemporary
Catholicism today. As Küng noted in 2005, John Paul II's church remained
heavily influenced by Ultramontanism, despite the efforts of Vatican II for a
more conciliatory authority of popes collaborating collegially with bishops.
So, one of Fr. O'Malley's last lines would agree: "Catholics today live
in an essentially Ultramontanist church" (329).
It is this historic key of how history has shaped today's papal office, as
a papacy of Vatican I seeking to live in a post Vatican II world, that,
among other things, may help unlock where ecumenical dialogues may yet
fruitfully go, at least among those who find something of their identity in the
Reformation era where papal issues were nuanced differently than they were at
Vatican I and beyond. Again, where the issue can become the primacy of the
Promise, there can be hopeful discussions yet to unfold. For Roman Catholics,
however, it would mean moving beyond being "an essentially Ultramontanist
church."
A Surprising Toughness
Despite the ebb and flow of the papacy as it comes to us today,
however, what is most remarkable of all is why we all still care about it as we do
and why it persists as it does. Perhaps those are the two most compelling
of all the questions the reader might bring to AHP. As a Missouri Synod
Lutheran boy, there wasn't much good I remember hearing about pope or papacy
from my tradition until I began learning that despite the pope being the
Anti-Christ from our theological heritage, there had been a Council going on in
the 1960s that had been saying some awfully interesting things enabled by a
pope who you couldn't help but feel belonged to the world, even ours, and was
beloved.
For some reason, therefore, for most, Catholics and non-Catholics alike
(and those of us who see ourselves as fitting into both camps and call
ourselves "Augsburg Catholics" and the like), it is not possible not to care
about pope or papacy today. He and it persist, I suppose, because it is
difficult to imagine a world or a church without "the oldest, still functioning
institution in the Western world" (324). The papal institution has exhibited
a surprising toughness.
The debate will continue about why the institution, one which
Protestantism has tried to live without, persists anyway. Some Protestants have come
to see its absence as a glaring weakness in their own many traditions.
Some Catholics (e.g., Küng), argue just the opposite: that the papacy itself
remains hopelessly out of touch and flawed, yet carefully guarding its power,
so much so, that the Promising Gospel is the main casualty of an
unregenerate papacy. Yet O'Malley's history would remind in conclusion, "The history
of the papacy, let it be said again, is not the history of Catholicism"
(325). We are asked, if we can, not to judge the faith by the one who would be
seen as its human pastoral leader. That lesson is precisely what AHP would
teach us already from the first legend of Peter running away from Rome
until he met the Lord and asked, "Quo vadis, Domine?" ("Where are you going,
Lord?").
That question about the institution called the papacy persists most of
all and its current issues are well presented by John O'Malley's A HISTORY
OF THE POPES. It's an excellent addition to any serious theological
library but it's also an approachable story for the general reader which most
everyone will find as a good and compelling introduction to these important men
of Christian history.
Of the papacy, all of us, Catholics and non-Catholics alike, seemingly
keep asking, "Quo vadis, Domine?" Hopefully, the future will answer with
Küng's concern first and foremost about reorienting all things involving the
papacy to the "compass of the Gospel."
Pastor Stephen Krueger
Sun City Center, Florida
Christ the King, 2009